AMERICA
AT 1750: A Social Portrait, by Richard Hofstadter. 293 pages.
Knopf.
This
is a good time to read (or re-read) the histories of Richard
Hofstadter, who explained the background of McCarthyism. McCarthyism
is back, big time. The foreground is different. The background is the
same.
Hofstadter's
writing career, 1944-1970, was almost exactly congruent with the
first McCarthyism, and his gracefully written books were bestsellers
among lovers of American liberty.
The
titles of the best-known reveal his thrust: “Anti-intellectualism
in American Life”: “The Paranoid Style in American Politics and
Other Essays”; “Social Darwinism in American Thought”; “The
Development of Academic Freedom in the United States.”
When
he passed the age of 50, Hofstadter projected a massive social
history of America, which would require 18 years to write. He died
after completing only eight chapters of a scene-setting volume, which
were published as “America at 1750” in 1971.
So
this little volume is a good place to start before returning to his
earlier volumes. It was Hofstadter's opinion that by 1750, peculiarly
American attitudes, customs, institutions and morals had formed after
six or seven generations away from Europe, and that these were so
powerful they still controlled much that we did two centuries later.
He
was certainly a believer in American exceptionalism, but unlike the
antidemocratic, antiliberal ranters about American exceptionalism
today, he did not think that everything America did and stood for was
wise or benevolent; nor that anyone who dared to criticize our
failings was a less than 100 percent American.
The
chapter headings reveal that. After an opening review of
demographics, his first three substantive chapters are on forced
labor, white and black; and the capitalist slave trade.
Only
after reminding us that America was a deeply flawed place does he
begin writing about its attractive aspects in “The Middle Class
World.”
One
aspect of American exceptionalism is that it was history's first
majority middle class community.
Hofstadter
died too soon to remonstrate against the destruction of the middle
class in favor of finance capitalism, but he was aware of the threat.
His
final three chapters are about religion, particularly the Great
Awakening in the 1740s.
Until
then, Americans were unchurched, in the main, although there were
established churches in many colonies that taxed everybody.
But
believers and unbelievers who disdained to pay for someone else's
church were free to move, and did.
Americans
evolved a wholly secular idea of government, not because they were
irreligious (which they weren't even if unchurched) but because no
sect (after the early days in New England) could command the
adherence of a large enough majority to persecute the rest. Thus, the
idea of toleration, which was, for most, limited to toleration of
Protestants.
But
it was a good start.
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