‘NEGRO
PRESIDENT’: Jefferson and the Slave Power, by Garry Wills. 274 pages. Houghton
Mifflin, $25
When
this book was written, America had never had an African-American president. Now
we have. The term “Negro president” (and “Negro Congress”) meant something
different 200 years ago.
It
referred to the additional weight given to Southern votes by counting each 5 slaves
as 3 persons for purposes of allocating seats in the House of Representatives.
In
1800, the presidency was decided in the House, but the 3/5ths ratio did not
have any direct consequence there: Each of the 15 states had one vote. Thus
Thomas Jefferson was a “Negro president” at one remove.
Garry
Wills argues, though, that Jefferson – and every other Southern politician –
had to accede to the “slave power” to have any chance of being elected at all.
In the event, Jefferson was not just an easy rider of slave power.
And
the slave power was maintained, forever, by the 3/5tsratio.
Jefferson
worked tirelessly, and often deviously, to preserve and extend slavery. His
highhandedness in managing the Louisiana Purchase is well known. Less known –
and only alluded to here, not explicated in detail – were his plots to get East
and West Florida into the Union.
His
most consistent opponent from the antislavery side was Timothy Pickering of
Massachusetts, an incorruptible and sometimes wily opponent.
Pickering
is not well-remembered, and when he is it is mostly as a separationist behind
the infamous Hartford Convention.
Wills,
always drawn to correcting impressions, finds that Pickering was once a
separationist, but by the time of the Hartford Convention had softened his
approach.
Political
junkies will love this book as Wills deftly traces the partisan undercurrents
behind the maneuverings whose surface ripples are all we see in general
histories.
Along
the way we find out more about Hamilton and, especially, Burr. John Quincy
Adams, who was a senator along with Pickering for a while, assumes a large
place.
So
m any things were going on – at cross purposes as politics always work out –
that it is somewhat hard to summarize what Wills wants to say about Jefferson
as a “Negro president.”
However,
his overarching conclusion is easy enough to summarize: To get a Union,
everyone had to submit to chattel slavery in perpetuity. If some thought they
were making a tactical choice that would result, somehow, in an opposite
strategic outcome, they were wrong.
The
slave power swept all for 75 years and nothing in the Constitution did – or
ever could have – restrained it.
When
Lincoln died in April 1865, having fought and won a great war to preserve the
Union and end slavery, and won re-election – his capital city was still a slave
city.
Wills,
a great ironist, explains how that bizarre result came about.
A
committed unionist, he writes from the premise that a big union was a good
thing, so he never addresses the alternative choice that the Founders rejected:
To have formed 2 unions, one slave and one free.
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